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Glossary

Emotion regulation, explained: reappraisal, suppression and what works

Emotion regulation is the set of things people do to influence which feelings they have, when, and how strongly they show. Of the strategies studied, changing how you read a situation early tends to go with more pleasant feeling and better relationships, while holding a feeling in after it has already arrived tends to go with the opposite, though both have their place.

Last updated September 16, 2026.

What does emotion regulation mean?

James Gross set out the field's working definition: emotion regulation is how a person influences which emotions they have, when they have them, and how they experience and express them (Gross, 1998). It is kept deliberately separate from coping and from mood regulation, which ask narrower questions.

Gross's process model places five points where regulation can happen, in a rough time order: choosing or avoiding a situation, changing something about a situation you are already in, moving your attention within it, changing what you make of it (reappraisal), and changing the outward response once the feeling has arrived (suppression sits here). The model is a map of when a person can act, not a ranking of which move works best.

What are reappraisal and suppression, and how do their outcomes differ?

Two of the five points have been studied the most as everyday habits: reappraisal and suppression. Reappraisal is early, a delayed reply becomes a busy afternoon rather than a slight, and the feeling that follows is smaller or different. Suppression is late: the feeling arrives in full, and only the outward sign of it changes, the face held still, the voice kept level.

Across five studies building and testing the Emotion Regulation Questionnaire, people who habitually reappraised experienced and expressed more pleasant feeling and less unpleasant feeling, reported better relationships, and scored higher on well-being (Gross & John, 2003). People who habitually suppressed showed close to the opposite pattern on every measure. The design is correlational, a pattern across people rather than a certainty for any one person, and it says nothing about a single meeting where holding a reaction in is the right call.

Gross's process model, and what the research on habitual use actually supports.
Point in the processWhat it looks likeWhat the evidence supports
Choosing the situationDeciding in advance whether to be somewhere, or with someone, at allNamed in Gross's model (Gross, 1998); not tested for effectiveness here
Changing or attendingAltering a situation, or moving attention within itNamed in the same model; a conceptual category, not a tested outcome
ReappraisalChanging what you make of a situation before the feeling fully formsMore pleasant feeling, better relationships and higher well-being (Gross & John, 2003)
SuppressionHolding the outward sign of a feeling in after it has arrivedLess pleasant feeling and weaker relationships, on average (Gross & John, 2003)

Why treat pleasant and unpleasant feeling as separate, not opposite?

A natural assumption is that turning down unpleasant feeling automatically turns up pleasant feeling, as if the two sat on one dial. David Watson, Lee Anna Clark and Auke Tellegen built and validated the PANAS scales and found positive and negative affect behave as two largely independent dimensions rather than two ends of one ruler, each internally consistent and reasonably stable over two months (Watson et al., 1988).

The practical upshot: a week with little worry in it is not automatically a good week, and a demanding week can still carry real engagement alongside the strain. Regulating only the unpleasant side of a week, and never the pleasant side, is working on half the picture.

What is emotional granularity, and where does it fit?

Emotional granularity is the fineness of the distinctions a person draws between feelings that share a rough flavour, telling disappointment from resentment from dread, rather than filing all three under one bad. Lisa Feldman Barrett found people differ systematically in how their emotion reports lean, some weighting how pleasant or unpleasant a feeling is, others weighting how activated or flat it is, reflecting both a person's emotion language and the feelings actually being reported (Barrett, 2004).

That is a reason for a little humility about any single emotion rating, your own included. A word chosen for a feeling does real work, and it is worth saying plainly what the feeling in front of you actually is before choosing which point in Gross's model to act at.

Does personality shape which strategies a person reaches for?

Yes, though not in the broadest categories. A meta-analysis pooling 2,653 effect sizes from 165 samples and more than 33,000 participants found personality only weakly tied to broad labels like engaging with a stressor or disengaging from it, but every one of the five traits predicted specific strategies (Connor-Smith & Flachsbart, 2007). Extraversion and Conscientiousness went with more problem-solving and cognitive restructuring, close cousins of reappraisal. The low end of Emotional Stability, the end more often called Neuroticism, went with more wishful thinking and withdrawal instead, and, like Extraversion, with more support-seeking. Traits load the dice on which strategy a person reaches for first, they do not fix the outcome, and a habit is more workable than a trait.

  • Name the feeling with a specific word before deciding what to do about it; people vary in how finely they draw those distinctions (Barrett, 2004).
  • Where there is time, change what you make of the situation rather than only bracing for it (Gross & John, 2003).
  • Keep suppression for moments that call for it, a meeting, a child watching, rather than a daily default (Gross & John, 2003).
  • Track the pleasant and the unpleasant separately across a week; they move somewhat independently (Watson et al., 1988).

How does Wellington measure emotion regulation?

Wellington is a science-based personality assessment from Therabot Labs LLC. It measures personality as continuous traits, built on the Big Five and HEXACO models, and writes the results back as a personal report rather than a type.

The free Snapshot is 60 questions, about 7 minutes, across six broad dimensions: Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Emotional Stability, Openness to Experience, Honesty-Humility. It gives a coarse read on the ground emotion regulation sits on, mainly through Emotional Stability, but does not score regulation strategies on their own. The first ten questions come before anything is asked of you; after that you sign in with an email so answers are saved. There is no card.

Regulation itself is measured in the Wellington Membership, $4.99 a month, which adds the Portrait (336 more questions, reaching 90 traits) and one short weekly module toward all 255 traits across eight domains. Emotional functioning is one of those eight domains, and regulation sits among its traits, including Emotional Equanimity, Emotional Recovery, Emotional Acceptance, each scored on its own.

Every trait is reported as a percentile against the reference sample. The three bands, Quiet below the 30th percentile, Balanced to the 70th, High above, and the Portrait names exist to make the result easier to talk about; the percentile is the measurement, always shown alongside. Norms are provisional until the norming sample is complete. Wellington is a wellness tool for reflection, not a medical or psychological diagnosis, and it does not replace care from a qualified professional. It is not designed for hiring, and you can export or delete your data at any time.

Questions people ask

Is suppressing a feeling always the wrong move?
No. The research is about habits, not single moments. Holding a reaction in for one meeting is often the right call. What the evidence links to lower well-being is relying on suppression as a default, not using it here and there (Gross & John, 2003).
What is the difference between emotion regulation and coping?
Gross's review treats them as related but distinct (Gross, 1998). Emotion regulation asks how a person shapes which feelings arrive and how strongly. Coping is usually studied as the broader response to a stressor, including practical steps unrelated to the feeling itself.
What exactly is emotional granularity?
It is how finely a person distinguishes between feelings of a similar flavour, telling irritation from resentment from disappointment rather than filing all three as bad. People differ in whether their descriptions lean on pleasantness or on activation, reflecting both language and the feeling itself (Barrett, 2004).
Can emotion regulation get better with practice?
The naming part tends to improve with deliberate attention, since it works like a skill: pausing for the specific word rather than a vague one. The strategies underneath, reappraisal versus suppression by habit, sit closer to personality and shift more slowly.
Does Wellington score emotion regulation directly?
Yes, as part of the Wellington Membership rather than the free Snapshot. Traits including Emotional Equanimity, Emotional Recovery, Emotional Acceptance sit in the emotional functioning domain, each on its own percentile with a written page for the band it falls in.

Sources

Peer-reviewed sources for the claims above. Wellington's own reliability figures will be published once the norming sample is complete.

  1. Gross, J. J. (1998). The emerging field of emotion regulation: An integrative review. Review of General Psychology, 2(3), 271–299.
  2. Gross, J. J., & John, O. P. (2003). Individual differences in two emotion regulation processes: Implications for affect, relationships, and well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85(2), 348–362.
  3. Watson, D., Clark, L. A., & Tellegen, A. (1988). Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: The PANAS scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54(6), 1063–1070.
  4. Barrett, L. F. (2004). Feelings or words? Understanding the content in self-report ratings of experienced emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87(2), 266–281.
  5. Connor-Smith, J. K., & Flachsbart, C. (2007). Relations between personality and coping: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93(6), 1080–1107.

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