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Guide

How to be more social: what the evidence supports

Becoming more social is less about a personality overhaul and more about a handful of specific, learnable moves: showing up in the same low-stakes place, following up quickly, and matching the practice to the facet you actually want to build. People also feel measurably better in the moment they act more outgoing, whatever their baseline, and wanting to become more social tends to be followed by real, if modest, change.

Last updated September 16, 2026.

Why do people want to be more social in the first place?

Wanting more company is not a character flaw and it is not vanity. Roy Baumeister and Mark Leary argued that people have a basic need to belong: a need for frequent, pleasant contact inside ongoing relationships where both sides care what happens to the other (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Contact without care behind it does not satisfy the need, and care without contact does not either. That is one reason a string of small talk can feel hollow while one good phone call does not.

The stakes are higher than mood. A meta-analysis pooling 148 studies and more than 300,000 participants found that people with stronger social relationships had about a 50 percent greater likelihood of survival over the follow-up period, an influence the authors judged comparable with well-established risk factors (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2010). The studies are mostly observational, so this does not prove one more friend adds years, but the size of the association is a case for treating your social life as more than a nice-to-have.

What do people usually mean by 'being more social'?

The phrase covers at least four different things, and knowing which one you actually want changes what you should practise. Gregariousness is wanting company, especially in numbers, so a fuller room reads as fuel rather than as cost. Sociability is how easy and enjoyable the company feels once you are in it. Friendliness is warmth directed at the particular person in front of you. Social boldness is comfort starting things with strangers, which is why someone can want the party badly and still dread the doorway.

Most people who say they want to be more social actually mean one or two of these, not all four. Someone who avoids parties but talks easily to one person for hours has low gregariousness and fine sociability. Someone who works a room without remembering a single name has gregariousness and social boldness ahead of friendliness. Naming the gap saves wasted effort practising the wrong thing.

Does acting more outgoing actually make you feel better, even if you are quiet by nature?

Yes, and this is one of the sturdier findings in the area. Across two diary studies and one experiment, people reported more positive feeling in the moments they acted more talkative and energetic than usual, and the pattern held for people low on Extraversion as well as high (Fleeson et al., 2002). A later pair of laboratory experiments assigned people at random to act introverted or extraverted and found the same lift in positive affect, including for people acting against their disposition, and the popular idea that pretending to be outgoing quietly drains introverts did not hold up (Zelenski et al., 2012). Both studies covered short episodes, so the honest reading is that a given evening of stretching yourself will likely feel better than skipping it, not that a permanent change of setting is free.

Can you actually become more social, or is this fixed?

It moves, modestly and slower than people hope. Across two 16-week studies, people who said at the outset that they wanted to increase a Big Five trait tended to show real increases in that trait and in the daily behaviour that goes with it. Wanting to change was followed by measured change, and specific if-then plans helped more than general intentions to try harder (Hudson & Fraley, 2015). A broader review of 207 intervention studies, mostly from therapy and counselling, found trait measures shifted by about a third of a standard deviation over an average of six months, with Emotional Stability changing most and Extraversion close behind (Roberts et al., 2017). Neither study is about becoming a different person; both show that a wish paired with a concrete plan, kept up for months, tends to move the number, and the movement lasts.

What actually helps, in practice?

The practices below are ordinary and unglamorous on purpose. Each one leans on a different facet, which is why a plan built from more than one tends to outperform a single trick.

Five low-cost practices and the Extraversion facet each one draws on.
PracticeWhat it doesFacet it exercises
Repeat the same low-stakes settingTurns strangers into familiar facesSociability
Arrive with one questionAn opening that does not depend on charm or timingSocial boldness
Say yes to the second invitationThe first ask is often a formality; the second signals real interestGregariousness
Host something smallPuts you in the position of including others, not waiting to be includedGregariousness
Follow up within a dayTurns an encounter into a relationship, where the need to belong is actually metFriendliness

None of these requires becoming louder. Following up within a day does more for the sense of connection than most single evenings out, because it is steady contact inside a caring relationship that the need to belong asks for, not the volume of encounters (Baumeister & Leary, 1995).

How do you do this without running out of energy?

If you sit toward the quiet end of Extraversion, the practical question is not whether to be social but how to budget it. Treat sociability as a finite resource with a fixed weekly amount, spent deliberately rather than by accident. One repeated low-stakes setting and one follow-up message usually do more for a real relationship than three unplanned nights out, and cost less.

  • Put the one thing that matters most before the optional extras, so a tired week still gets the high-value move done.
  • Recovery time after a social stretch is not a failure of nerve; it is the same thing rest is after any other effort, and planning it in keeps it from feeling like giving up.
  • A single long conversation most weeks builds more of a durable relationship than a wider net of short ones. The quality of relationships with peers, family and partners is one of the outcome domains the trait literature maps (Ozer & Benet-Martínez, 2006), and personality and friendship covers how traits show up there.

Knowing your own facet pattern pays off here. Someone low in gregariousness but comfortable once there, which is sociability, should protect the one-on-one time that already works rather than chase more parties. Someone who wants the room but freezes at the door is missing social boldness, not appetite, and the useful practice is a rehearsed opener, not a pep talk.

How does Wellington measure this?

Wellington is a science-based personality assessment from Therabot Labs LLC. It measures personality as continuous traits, built on the Big Five and HEXACO models, and writes the results back as a personal report rather than a type.

The free Snapshot is 60 questions, about 7 minutes, across six dimensions: Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Emotional Stability, Openness to Experience, Honesty-Humility. The first ten questions are answered before anything is asked of you; after question ten you sign in with an email address so answers are saved and results can be shown. There is no card. Extraversion is reported as a whole at this stage, not broken into facets.

The Wellington Membership, $4.99 a month, adds the Portrait, 336 questions in 4 chapters, reaching 90 traits including every Big Five facet, so 11 traits beneath Extraversion, among them gregariousness, sociability, friendliness and social boldness, are scored on their own, and it adds a weekly module over 104 weeks toward all 255 traits. Every trait is reported as a percentile against the reference sample. The three bands (Quiet below the 30th percentile, Balanced to the 70th, High above) and the Portrait names exist to make the result easier to talk about; the percentile is the measurement, and it is always shown alongside. Norms are provisional until the norming sample is complete. There is a worked example in the methodology.

Wellington is a wellness tool for reflection, not a medical or psychological diagnosis, and it does not replace care from a qualified professional. It is not built for hiring or selection, and you can export or delete your data at any time.

Questions people ask

How long does it take to become more social?
Days for how you feel in a given evening, months for the underlying trait. Acting more outgoing lifts mood in the moment regardless of baseline (Fleeson et al., 2002; Zelenski et al., 2012). Measured trait change is slower: interventions show shifts over roughly six months (Roberts et al., 2017), and wanting to change is followed by real movement over 16 weeks when paired with a specific plan (Hudson & Fraley, 2015).
Do I have to become an extrovert to have a good social life?
No. Friendliness and sociability, which carry most of what makes a relationship feel good, are separate from gregariousness, the appetite for large groups. A quiet person who follows up reliably and gives full attention in conversation is well placed for durable friendships, which is what the need to belong asks for (Baumeister & Leary, 1995).
Is it too late to make friends as an adult?
The mechanics do not change with age: repeated low-stakes contact and prompt follow-up still build relationships. What changes is that adult life removes the built-in repeated settings school once provided, so an adult usually has to create one on purpose, such as a regular class or group.

Sources

Peer-reviewed sources for the claims above. Wellington's own reliability figures will be published once the norming sample is complete.

  1. Baumeister, R. F., & Leary, M. R. (1995). The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 117(3), 497–529.
  2. Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., & Layton, J. B. (2010). Social relationships and mortality risk: A meta-analytic review. PLoS Medicine, 7(7), e1000316.
  3. Fleeson, W., Malanos, A. B., & Achille, N. M. (2002). An intraindividual process approach to the relationship between extraversion and positive affect: Is acting extraverted as "good" as being extraverted? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83(6), 1409–1422.
  4. Zelenski, J. M., Santoro, M. S., & Whelan, D. C. (2012). Would introverts be better off if they acted more like extraverts? Exploring emotional and cognitive consequences of counterdispositional behavior. Emotion, 12(2), 290–303.
  5. Hudson, N. W., & Fraley, R. C. (2015). Volitional personality trait change: Can people choose to change their personality traits? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 109(3), 490–507.
  6. Roberts, B. W., Luo, J., Briley, D. A., Chow, P. I., Su, R., & Hill, P. L. (2017). A systematic review of personality trait change through intervention. Psychological Bulletin, 143(2), 117–141.
  7. Ozer, D. J., & Benet-Martínez, V. (2006). Personality and the prediction of consequential outcomes. Annual Review of Psychology, 57, 401–421.

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